Local news in America has long been widely trusted, and widely seen as objective. But as traditional local papers struggle, there have been attempts across the political spectrum to create more partisan outlets.Few can have been as ambitious or widespread as the nationwide network of 1,300 websites and newspapers run by Brian Timpone, a television reporter turned internet entrepreneur.He has said that he sees local news as a means of preserving American civil discourse. But a Times investigation has found that Republican operatives and public relations firms have been paying for articles in his outlets and intimately dictating the editorial direction of stories.Today, we speak to the Times journalists behind the investigation.Guests: Davey Alba, a technology reporter for The New York Times covering online misinformation and its global harms; and Jack Nicas, who covers technology for The Times from San Francisco.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:Here’s the full investigation into a nationwide operation of 1,300 local sites that publishes coverage ordered up by Republican groups and corporate P.R. firms.

Local news in America has long been widely trusted, and widely seen as objective. But as traditional local papers struggle, there have been attempts across the political spectrum to create more partisan outlets.Few can have been as ambitious or widespread as the nationwide network of 1,300 websites and newspapers run by Brian Timpone, a television reporter turned internet entrepreneur.He has said that he sees local news as a means of preserving American civil discourse. But a Times investigation has found that Republican operatives and public relations firms have been paying for articles in his outlets and intimately dictating the editorial direction of stories.Today, we speak to the Times journalists behind the investigation.Guests: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/davey-alba?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Davey Alba,</a> a technology reporter for The New York Times covering online misinformation and its global harms; and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/jack-nicas?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jack Nicas,</a> who covers technology for The Times from San Francisco.&nbsp;For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>Here’s the full investigation into a<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/18/technology/timpone-local-news-metric-media.html?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> nationwide operation of 1,300 local sites</a> that publishes coverage ordered up by Republican groups and corporate P.R. firms.</li></ul>

The Daily

A Partisan Future for Local News?

There's so much grey area online right now when it comes to distinguishing between content marketing, PR campaigns, and fact-based journalism. It's so hard to watch local papers fade away, only to be replaced with advertorials and frankly, propaganda. I hope to see more PR agencies and news outlets pick up on this and take a stronger stance on media ethics in the digital age.

In America’s increasingly divided political landscape, it can be hard to imagine almost any voter switching sides. One demographic group has provided plenty of exceptions: white suburban women.In the past four years, the group has turned away from the president in astonishing numbers. And many of them are organizing — Red, Wine and Blue is a group made up of suburban women from Ohio hoping to swing the election for Joe Biden. The organization draws on women who voted for the president and third parties in 2016, as well as existing Democratic voters.In today’s episode, Lisa Lerer, who covers campaigns, elections and political power for The New York Times, speaks to white suburban women on the ground in Ohio and explores their shifting allegiances and values.Guest: Lisa Lerer, a reporter for The New York Times covering campaigns, elections and political power.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:The white suburban voters the president needs to carve a path to victory have turned away from him, often for deeply personal reasons.

In America’s increasingly divided political landscape, it can be hard to imagine almost any voter switching sides. One demographic group has provided plenty of exceptions: white suburban women.In the past four years, the group has turned away from the president in astonishing numbers. And many of them are organizing — Red, Wine and Blue is a group made up of suburban women from Ohio hoping to swing the election for Joe Biden. The organization draws on women who voted for the president and third parties in 2016, as well as existing Democratic voters.In today’s episode, Lisa Lerer, who covers campaigns, elections and political power for The New York Times, speaks to white suburban women on the ground in Ohio and explores their shifting allegiances and values.Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/lisa-lerer" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lisa Lerer</a>, a reporter for The New York Times covering campaigns, elections and political power.For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>The white suburban voters the president needs to carve a path to victory have turned away from him, often<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/17/us/politics/trump-women-voters.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> for deeply personal reasons</a>.</li></ul>

The Field: Why Suburban Women Changed Their Minds

Wonderful investigative piece about the changing attitudes of suburban women voters in Ohio. I'm not from Ohio and I'm not a mom but I found their stories and perspective so moving. 

What began as a public health crisis in China is well on the way to becoming a pandemic. And while there is a lot of news about the coronavirus, there is also a lack of understanding about the severity of the threat. As officials warn of a potential outbreak in the U.S., we ask: How bad could the coronavirus get? Guest: Donald G. McNeil Jr., a science and health reporter for The New York Times. For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.Background reading:President Trump sought to reassure the country that the U.S. government was controlling the spread of the coronavirus after his administration weathered days of criticism.Here are the latest updates on the illness’s sweep around the world, with cases in at least 44 countries.What can you do to protect yourself and your family from the virus?

What began as a public health crisis in China is well on the way to becoming a pandemic. And while there is a lot of news about the coronavirus, there is also a lack of understanding about the severity of the threat. As officials warn of a potential outbreak in the U.S., we ask: How bad could the coronavirus get? Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/donald-g-mcneil-jr?smid=pc-thedaily" target="_blank">Donald G. McNeil Jr.</a>, a science and health reporter for The New York Times. For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.&nbsp;Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/26/us/politics/trump-coronavirus-cdc.html?action=click&amp;module=Top%20Stories&amp;pgtype=Homepage" target="_blank">President Trump sought to reassure</a> the country that the U.S. government was controlling the spread of the coronavirus after his administration weathered days of criticism.</li><li><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/27/world/coronavirus-news.html?action=click&amp;pgtype=Article&amp;state=default&amp;module=styln-coronavirus&amp;variant=show&amp;region=TOP_BANNER&amp;context=storyline_menu" target="_blank">Here are the latest updates</a> on the illness’s sweep around the world, with cases in at least 44 countries.</li><li>What can you do to<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/25/health/prepare-for-coronavirus.html" target="_blank"> protect yourself and your family</a> from the virus?</li></ul>

The Coronavirus Goes Global

One of the deadliest and most destructive wildfires in California history is raging in the north of the state, as two others burn simultaneously in the south. Devastating wildfires have already become the new normal for the state. We look at why this feels different. Guest: Kirk Johnson, a New York Times correspondent who covers the American West and is reporting from Paradise, Calif. For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.This episode includes disturbing language.

One of the deadliest and most destructive wildfires in California history is raging in the north of the state, as two others burn simultaneously in the south. Devastating wildfires have already become the new normal for the state. We look at why this feels different. Guest: Kirk Johnson, a New York Times correspondent who covers the American West and is reporting from Paradise, Calif. For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/thedaily" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily</a>.This episode includes disturbing language.

The California Wildfires

Uber transformed American transportation and changed the United States economy. But a decade after its founding, the once-swaggering company is losing more money and growing more slowly than ever. What happened? Guest: Mike Isaac, a technology reporter for The New York Times and the author of “Super Pumped: The Battle for Uber.” For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.Background coverage:The Uber of 2019 displays little of the braggadocio of its past, and competitors and critics are moving in.

Uber transformed American transportation and changed the United States economy. But a decade after its founding, the once-swaggering company is losing more money and growing more slowly than ever. What happened? Guest: Mike Isaac, a technology reporter for The New York Times and the author of “<a href="https://www.wwnorton.com/books/9780393652246/" target="_blank">Super Pumped: The Battle for Uber</a>.” For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/thedaily" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily</a>.&nbsp;Background coverage:&nbsp;<ul><li>The Uber of 2019 displays little of the braggadocio of its past, and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/23/business/how-uber-got-lost.html?smid=pc-thedaily" target="_blank">competitors and critics are moving in</a>.</li></ul>

Why Uber Still Can’t Make a Profit

The decades-long plan to stitch together countries and cultures into the European Union was ultimately blamed for two crises: mass migration and crippling debt. Together, those events contributed to a wave of nationalism across Europe. In a five-part series this week, we take a look at some of the movements aiming to disrupt the E.U. from within. Guest: Katrin Bennhold, the Berlin bureau chief for The New York Times. For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.Background reading:Before the European Parliament elections last month, Katrin Bennhold and producers of “The Daily” set out on a 10-day trip to find out what Europe means to Europeans today.The results of the elections indicated that the struggle over the future direction of the European Union would only intensify.

Part 1: The Battle for Europe

So far, the United States has been losing the battle against the pandemic, with a patchwork of inconsistent measures across the country proving unequal to halting the spread of the virus. Today, we ask: What will it take to change the course of the crisis?Guest: Donald G. McNeil Jr., a science and health reporter for The New York Times. For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.Background reading:President Trump has played down the threat of the virus, while at least 16 states institute stay-at-home orders. Here are the latest updates.The rampant spread of the coronavirus has left a trail of loss across most people’s lives. Here is some advice on how to cope.

So far, the United States has been losing the battle against the pandemic, with a patchwork of inconsistent measures across the country proving unequal to halting the spread of the virus. Today, we ask: What will it take to change the course of the crisis?Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/donald-g-mcneil-jr?smid=pc-thedaily" target="_blank">Donald G. McNeil Jr.</a>, a science and health reporter for The New York Times. For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily.&nbsp;Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>President Trump has played down the threat of the virus, while at least 16 states institute stay-at-home orders.<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/24/world/coronavirus-updates-maps.html?action=click&amp;module=Spotlight&amp;pgtype=Homepage" target="_blank"> Here are the latest updates</a>.</li><li>The rampant spread of the coronavirus has left a trail of loss across most people’s lives.<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/23/well/family/coronavirus-grief-loss.html?action=click&amp;module=RelatedLinks&amp;pgtype=Article" target="_blank"> Here is some advice on how to cope</a>.</li></ul>

Why the American Approach Is Failing

Florida’s seniors played an important role in President Trump’s victory there in 2016. Older voters, who are mostly conservative, make up around 25 percent of the swing state’s electorate and turn out in astonishing numbers.They are also disproportionately affected by the pandemic, and polling suggests that Joe Biden is making inroads with Republican-leaning older voters.In Florida’s conservative retirement communities, however, the decision to switch from Mr. Trump can have consequences and many stay quiet for fear of reprisals.Some of these consequences are obvious: One resident who erected a sign in support of Mr. Biden woke up to “Trump” written in weedkiller on his lawn. Other effects are more personal, and more insidious.Today, Annie Brown, a senior audio producer at The Times, speaks to some of Florida’s seniors about their voting intentions — including one, Dave Niederkorn, who has turned his back on Mr. Trump and almost lost a close friend in the process.Guests: Annie Brown, a senior audio producer for The New York Times; and Patricia Mazzei, the Miami bureau chief of The Times, who covers Florida and Puerto Rico.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:Older people are a crucial voting bloc in Florida. In a speech earlier this month, Joe Biden made his pitch to them.“If it’s here, it’s here” — how retirees in Florida’s Villages confronted the coronavirus in the summer.

Florida’s seniors played an important role in President Trump’s victory there in 2016. Older voters, who are mostly conservative, make up around 25 percent of the swing state’s electorate and turn out in astonishing numbers.They are also disproportionately affected by the pandemic, and polling suggests that Joe Biden is making inroads with Republican-leaning older voters.In Florida’s conservative retirement communities, however, the decision to switch from Mr. Trump can have consequences and many stay quiet for fear of reprisals.Some of these consequences are obvious: One resident who erected a sign in support of Mr. Biden woke up to “Trump” written in weedkiller on his lawn. Other effects are more personal, and more insidious.Today, Annie Brown, a senior audio producer at The Times, speaks to some of Florida’s seniors about their voting intentions — including one, Dave Niederkorn, who has turned his back on Mr. Trump and almost lost a close friend in the process.Guests: Annie Brown, a senior audio producer for The New York Times; and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/patricia-mazzei?smid=pc-thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Patricia Mazzei,</a> the Miami bureau chief of The Times, who covers Florida and Puerto Rico.&nbsp;For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>Older people are a crucial voting bloc in Florida. In a speech earlier this month, Joe Biden<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/13/us/politics/joe-biden-florida-voters.html?smid=pc-thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> made his pitch to them</a>.</li><li>“If it’s here, it’s here” — how retirees in Florida’s Villages<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/20/us/coronavirus-florida-elderly.html?searchResultPosition=1?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> confronted the coronavirus</a> in the summer.&nbsp;</li></ul>

The Field: The Shy Biden Voters Among Florida’s Seniors

This episode contains strong language.With an election in which uncertainty may abound, concerns are swirling around the possibility of political violence. Experts and officials — including those charged with the security of polling stations and ballot counting facilities — have been taking extra precautions.Americans across the political spectrum appear to be preparing themselves for this possibility, too: Eight of the 10 biggest weeks for gun sales since the late 1990s took place since March this year. Many of those sales were to people buying guns for the first time.Today’s episode examines these anxieties from two perspectives.Andy Mills, a senior audio producer for The New York Times, speaks to patrons of gun stores in Washington State about their motivations and sits down with a first-time gun owner who relays his anxiety, ignited by the unrest and protests in Seattle over the summer.And Alix Spiegel, a senior audio editor for The Times, visits three women of color in North Carolina, one of whom says the scenes in Charlottesville, the killing of Black people at the hands of the police and the threat of white militias have encouraged her to shift her anti-gun stance.Guests: Andy Mills, a senior audio producer for The New York Times; Alix Spiegel, a senior audio editor for The Times; and Reid J. Epstein, who covers campaigns and elections for The Times.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:Gun buyers say they are motivated by a new sense of instability that is pushing them to purchase weapons for the first time, or if they already have them, to buy more.

This episode contains strong language.With an election in which uncertainty may abound, concerns are swirling around the possibility of political violence. Experts and officials — including those charged with the security of polling stations and ballot counting facilities — have been taking extra precautions.Americans across the political spectrum appear to be preparing themselves for this possibility, too: Eight of the 10 biggest weeks for gun sales since the late 1990s took place since March this year. Many of those sales were to people buying guns for the first time.Today’s episode examines these anxieties from two perspectives.Andy Mills, a senior audio producer for The New York Times, speaks to patrons of gun stores in Washington State about their motivations and sits down with a first-time gun owner who relays his anxiety, ignited by the unrest and protests in Seattle over the summer.And Alix Spiegel, a senior audio editor for The Times, visits three women of color in North Carolina, one of whom says the scenes in Charlottesville, the killing of Black people at the hands of the police and the threat of white militias have encouraged her to shift her anti-gun stance.&nbsp;Guests:&nbsp; Andy Mills, a senior audio producer for The New York Times; Alix Spiegel, a senior audio editor for The Times; and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/reid-j-epstein?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reid J. Epstein</a>, who covers campaigns and elections for The Times.&nbsp;For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>Gun buyers say they<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/27/us/guns-2020-election.html?searchResultPosition=2?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> are motivated by a new sense of instability</a> that is pushing them to purchase weapons for the first time, or if they already have them, to buy more.</li></ul>

The Field: The Specter of Political Violence

What does the specter of the 2000 election mean for the upcoming election? The race between George W. Bush and Al Gore that year turned on the result in Florida, where the vote was incredibly close and mired in balloting issues. After initially conceding, Mr. Gore, the Democratic nominee, contested the count.What followed was a flurry of court cases, recounts, partisan fury and confusion. It would be months until — after a Supreme Court decision — Mr. Bush would become the 43rd president of the United States.The confrontation held political lessons for both sides. Lessons that could be put to the test next week in an election likely to be shrouded in uncertainty: The pandemic, the volume of mail-in voters and questions around mail delivery could result in legal disputes.Today, we take a look back at the contest between Mr. Gore and Mr. Bush.Guest: Jim Rutenberg, a writer-at-large for The New York Times and The Times Magazine.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:A number of legal battles over voting rights are in the pipeline. Any ruling could resonate nationwide.Elections supervisors say they have learned the hard lessons of the 2000 presidential recount and other messes. But challenges are already apparent.

What does the specter of the 2000 election mean for the upcoming election? The race between George W. Bush and Al Gore that year turned on the result in Florida, where the vote was incredibly close and mired in balloting issues. After initially conceding, Mr. Gore, the Democratic nominee, contested the count.What followed was a flurry of court cases, recounts, partisan fury and confusion. It would be months until — after a Supreme Court decision — Mr. Bush would become the 43rd president of the United States.The confrontation held political lessons for both sides. Lessons that could be put to the test next week in an election likely to be shrouded in uncertainty: The pandemic, the volume of mail-in voters and questions around mail delivery could result in legal disputes.Today, we take a look back at the contest between Mr. Gore and Mr. Bush.Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/jim-rutenberg?searchResultPosition=0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jim Rutenberg,</a> a writer-at-large for The New York Times and The Times Magazine.&nbsp;For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>A number of legal battles over voting rights are in the pipeline. Any ruling <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/21/us/supreme-court-voting-rules.html?searchResultPosition=3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">could resonate nationwide.</a></li><li>Elections supervisors say they have learned the<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/20/us/florida-election-problems.html?searchResultPosition=4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> hard lessons of the 2000 presidential recount</a> and other messes. But challenges are already apparent.</li></ul>

The Shadow of the 2000 Election

During months of pandemic isolation, Wesley Morris, a critic at large for The New York Times, decided to grow a mustache.The reviews were mixed and predictable. He heard it described as “porny” and “creepy,” as well as “rugged” and “extra gay.”It was a comment on a group call, however, that gave him pause. Someone noted that his mustache made him look like a lawyer for the N.A.A.C.P.’s legal defense fund.“It was said as a winking correction and an earnest clarification — Y’all, this is what it is,” Wesley said. “The call moved on, but I didn’t. That is what it is: one of the sweetest, truest things anybody had said about me in a long time.”On today’s episode of The Sunday Read, Wesley Morris’s story about self-identity and the symbolic power of the mustache.This story was written by Wesley Morris and recorded by Audm. To hear more audio stories from publishers like The New York Times, download Audm for iPhone or Android.

During months of pandemic isolation, Wesley Morris, a critic at large for The New York Times, decided to grow a mustache.The reviews were mixed and predictable. He heard it described as “porny” and “creepy,” as well as “rugged” and “extra gay.”It was a comment on a group call, however, that gave him pause. Someone noted that his mustache made him look like a lawyer for the N.A.A.C.P.’s legal defense fund.“It was said as a winking correction and an earnest clarification — Y’all, this is what it is,” Wesley said. “The call moved on, but I didn’t. That is what it is: one of the sweetest, truest things anybody had said about me in a long time.”On today’s episode of The Sunday Read, Wesley Morris’s story about self-identity and the symbolic power of the mustache.This story was written by Wesley Morris and recorded by Audm. To hear more audio stories from publishers like The New York Times, <a href="https://www.audm.com/?utm_source=nytmag&amp;utm_medium=embed&amp;utm_campaign=my_mustache" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">download Audm for iPhone or Android.</a>

The Sunday Read: 'My Mustache, My Self'

At the start of Thursday night’s debate its moderator, Kristen Welker of NBC News, delivered a polite but firm instruction: The matchup should not be a repeat of the chaos of last month’s debate.It was a calmer affair and, for the first few segments, a more structured and linear exchange of views.President Trump, whose interruptions came to define the first debate, was more restrained, seemingly heeding advice that keeping to the rules of the debate would render his message more effective.And while there were no breakthrough moments for Joseph R. Biden Jr., the former vice president managed to make more of a case for himself than he did last month, on issues such as the coronavirus and economic support for families and businesses in distress.Alexander Burns, a national political correspondent, gives us a recap of the night’s events and explores what it means for an election that is just 11 days away.Guest: Alexander Burns, a national political correspondent for The New York Times.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:While the tenor of Thursday’s forum was more sedate, the conflict in matters of substance and vision could not have been more dramatic.Here are some highlights from last night’s debate.

At the start of Thursday night’s debate its moderator, Kristen Welker of NBC News, delivered a polite but firm instruction: The matchup should not be a repeat of the chaos of last month’s debate.&nbsp;It was a calmer affair and, for the first few segments, a more structured and linear exchange of views.&nbsp;President Trump, whose interruptions came to define the first debate, was more restrained, seemingly heeding advice that keeping to the rules of the debate would render his message more effective.&nbsp;And while there were no breakthrough moments for Joseph R. Biden Jr., the former vice president managed to make more of a case for himself than he did last month, on issues such as the coronavirus and economic support for families and businesses in distress.&nbsp;Alexander Burns, a national political correspondent, gives us a recap of the night’s events and explores what it means for an election that is just 11 days away.&nbsp;Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/alexander-burns" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Alexander Burns</a>, a national political correspondent for The New York Times.&nbsp;For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>While the tenor of Thursday’s forum was more sedate,<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/22/us/politics/debate-presidential-recap.html?action=click&amp;module=Spotlight&amp;pgtype=Homepage" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> the conflict in matters of substance and vision</a> could not have been more dramatic.</li><li>Here are some<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2020/10/22/us/presidential-debate-live?action=click&amp;module=Spotlight&amp;pgtype=Homepage" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> highlights</a> from last night’s debate.&nbsp;</li></ul>

Sudden Civility: The Final Presidential Debate

The winner-take-all system used by the Electoral College in the United States appears nowhere in the Constitution. It awards all of a state’s electors to the candidate with the most votes, no matter how small the margin of victory. Critics say that means millions of votes are effectively ignored.The fairness of the Electoral College was seriously questioned in the 1960s. Amid the civil rights push, changes to the system were framed as the last step of democratization. But a constitutional amendment to introduce a national popular vote for president was eventually killed by segregationist senators in 1970.Desire for an overhaul dwindled until the elections of 2000 and 2016, when the system’s flaws again came to the fore. In both instances, the men who became president had lost the popular vote.Jesse Wegman, a member of The Times’s editorial board, describes how the winner-take-all system came about and how the Electoral College could be modified.Guest: Jesse Wegman, a member of The New York Times’s editorial board.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:Here’s a guide to how the Electoral College works.Watch Jesse’s explainer, from our Opinion section, on how President Trump could win the election — even if he loses.

The winner-take-all system used by the Electoral College in the United States appears nowhere in the Constitution. It awards all of a state’s electors to the candidate with the most votes, no matter how small the margin of victory. Critics say that means millions of votes are effectively ignored.The fairness of the Electoral College was seriously questioned in the 1960s. Amid the civil rights push, changes to the system were framed as the last step of democratization. But a constitutional amendment to introduce a national popular vote for president was eventually killed by segregationist senators in 1970.Desire for an overhaul dwindled until the elections of 2000 and 2016, when the system’s flaws again came to the fore. In both instances, the men who became president had lost the popular vote.Jesse Wegman, a member of The Times’s editorial board, describes how the winner-take-all system came about and how the Electoral College could be modified.Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/jesse-wegman" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jesse Wegman</a>, a member of The New York Times’s editorial board.For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>Here’s a guide to<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/article/electoral-college-explained.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> how the Electoral College works</a>.</li><li><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/video/opinion/100000007319217/electoral-college-abolish-eliminate.html?searchResultPosition=4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Watch Jesse’s explainer</a>, from our Opinion section, on how President Trump could win the election — even if he loses.</li></ul>

A Peculiar Way to Pick a President

Facebook, Twitter and YouTube have invested a significant amount of time and money trying to avoid the mistakes made during the 2016 election.A test of those new policies came last week, when The New York Post published a story that contained supposedly incriminating documents and pictures taken from the laptop of Hunter Biden. The provenance and authenticity of that information is still in question, and Joe Biden’s campaign has rejected the assertions.While YouTube largely did nothing, Facebook deprioritized the Post story and Twitter initially moved to ban all links to the piece on its platform. Those actions infuriated some Republican lawmakers and conservative media figures, who accused the social networks of censorship and election interference.We speak to Kevin Roose, a technology columnist for The Times, about how the episode reveals the tension between fighting misinformation and protecting free speech.Guest: Kevin Roose, a technology columnist for The New York Times.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:Here’s Kevin’s full report on the efforts by Twitter and Facebook to limit the spread of the Hunter Biden story.The New York Post published the piece despite doubts within the paper’s newsroom — some reporters withheld their bylines and questioned the credibility of the article.Joe Biden’s campaign has rejected the assertions made in the story.

Facebook, Twitter and YouTube have invested a significant amount of time and money trying to avoid the mistakes made during the 2016 election.A test of those new policies came last week, when The New York Post published a story that contained supposedly incriminating documents and pictures taken from the laptop of Hunter Biden. The provenance and authenticity of that information is still in question, and Joe Biden’s campaign has rejected the assertions.While YouTube largely did nothing, Facebook deprioritized the Post story and Twitter initially moved to ban all links to the piece on its platform. Those actions infuriated some Republican lawmakers and conservative media figures, who accused the social networks of censorship and election interference.We speak to Kevin Roose, a technology columnist for The Times, about how the episode reveals the tension between fighting misinformation and protecting free speech.Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/kevin-roose" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kevin Roose</a>, a technology columnist for The New York Times.For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>Here’s Kevin’s full report on<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/15/technology/facebook-twitter-nypost-hunter-biden.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> the efforts by Twitter and Facebook to limit the spread</a> of the Hunter Biden story.</li><li>The New York Post published the piece despite<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/18/business/media/new-york-post-hunter-biden.html?searchResultPosition=2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> doubts within the paper’s newsroom</a> — some reporters withheld their bylines and questioned the credibility of the article.</li><li>Joe Biden’s campaign<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/14/us/politics/hunter-biden-ukraine-facebook-twitter.html?searchResultPosition=3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> has rejected</a> the assertions made in the story.</li></ul>

Social Media and the Hunter Biden Report

In the struggle to control the U.S. Senate, one race in North Carolina — where the Republican incumbent, Thom Tillis, is trying to hold off his Democratic challenger, Cal Cunningham — could be crucial.North Carolina is a classic purple state with a split political mind: progressive in some quarters, while firmly steeped in Southern conservative tradition in others.Two bombshells have recently upended the race: Mr. Tillis fell ill with the coronavirus after attending an event for Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination without a mask. And Mr. Cunningham’s image was sullied by the emergence of text messages showing that he had engaged in an extramarital affair.Jonathan Martin, a national political correspondent for The Times, talks us through the race and examines the factors that could determine who prevails.Guest: Jonathan Martin, a national political correspondent for The New York Times.For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedailyBackground reading:North Carolina is a linchpin in the 2020 election — the presidency and the Senate could hinge on results in the state.Here’s how the critical senate race was engulfed in chaos in a single night.

In the struggle to control the U.S. Senate, one race in North Carolina — where the Republican incumbent, Thom Tillis, is trying to hold off his Democratic challenger, Cal Cunningham — could be crucial.North Carolina is a classic purple state with a split political mind: progressive in some quarters, while firmly steeped in Southern conservative tradition in others.Two bombshells have recently upended the race: Mr. Tillis fell ill with the coronavirus after attending an event for Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination without a mask. And Mr. Cunningham’s image was sullied by the emergence of text messages showing that he had engaged in an extramarital affair.Jonathan Martin, a national political correspondent for The Times, talks us through the race and examines the factors that could determine who prevails.Guest: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/jonathan-martin" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jonathan Martin</a>, a national political correspondent for The New York Times.For more information on today’s episode, visit <a href="http://nytimes.com/thedaily?smid=pc-thedaily" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nytimes.com/thedaily&nbsp;</a>Background reading:&nbsp;<ul><li>North Carolina<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/22/us/politics/north-carolina-trump-supreme-court-senate.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> is a linchpin</a> in the 2020 election — the presidency and the Senate could hinge on results in the state.</li><li>Here’s how the critical senate race was<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/03/us/politics/coronavirus-thom-tillis-cal-cunningham-north-carolina.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> engulfed in chaos</a> in a single night.</li></ul>

A Pivotal Senate Race in North Carolina

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